By Andrew C. Thompson
Spiritual rules and power-politics have been strongly hooked up within the early eighteenth century: William III, George I and George II all took their position as defenders of the protestant religion super heavily, and confessional considering was once of significant importance to courtroom whiggery. This publication considers the significance of this connection. It lines the advance of rules of the protestant curiosity, explaining how such rules have been used to wrestle the perceived threats to the ecu states procedure posed through common monarchy, and displaying how the need of protecting protestantism inside of Europe grew to become a subject matter in British and Hanoverian international coverage. Drawing on a variety of published and manuscript fabric in either Britain and Germany, the publication emphasizes the significance of a ecu context for eighteenth-century British historical past, and contributes to debates concerning the justification of monarchy and the character of identification in Britain.
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Extra resources for Britain, Hanover and the Protestant Interest, 1688-1756 (Studies in Early Modern Cultural, Political and Social History)
15 BRITAIN, HANOVER AND THE PROTESTANT INTEREST foreign policy was justified because it supported the protestant interest are investigated in this book. The monarchy was frequently praised for its support for the protestant interest. In 1736 Frederick, prince of Wales, married Augusta, a princess of Saxony-Gotha. 77 This was particularly pertinent, as the Saxon electoral house had reconverted to catholicism in 1697 to gain the Polish crown. 80 The protestant interest and international relations How can the importance of the protestant interest for international relations be measured?
89 Judgements as to whether petitions were declining, stable, or increasing can only be impressionistic. However, the inability to quantify is not disastrous. Consideration of particular events where the protestant interest was defended is one aspect of my argument, but there is also a broader thesis about the language and presentation of diplomacy. The study of diplomatic personnel illustrates the broader argument well. Charles Whitworth had been posted to Regensburg (and thus encountered the religious politics of the Reich) and Holland, prior to his sojourn in Berlin.
28 Herbert Butterfield, ‘The balance of power’, in Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight, eds, Diplomatic investigations (London, 1966), p. 143. Gentz helped spread Edmund Burke’s ideas in Germany. 29 Hermann Wellenreuther, ‘Göttingen und England im achtzehnten Jahrhundert’, in Norbert Kamp, Hermann Wellenreuther, and Friedrich Hund, 250 Jahre Vorlesungen an der Georgia Augusta 1734–1984 (Göttingen, 1985), pp. 40–3 (quotation p. 43). 30 For ‘blue water’ policy, see Richard Pares, ‘American versus continental warfare, 1739–1763’, EHR, 51 (1936), pp.
Britain, Hanover and the Protestant Interest, 1688-1756 (Studies in Early Modern Cultural, Political and Social History) by Andrew C. Thompson