By Maria Patricia Fernandez-Kelly
At the foundation of systematic study and private event, For we're offered, I and My humans uncovers a few of the social expenses of recent creation. Maria Patricia Fernandez-Kelly peels off the labels—"Made in Taiwan," "Assembled in Mexico"—and the alternate names—RCA, Sony, normal automobiles, United applied sciences, basic electrical, Mattel, Chrysler, American sanatorium Supply—to display the hidden human dimensions of present-day multinational production systems. concentrating on Cuidad Juarez, situated on the United States-Mexican border, Fernandez-Kelly examines the truth of maquiladoras, the masses of meeting vegetation that because the Sixties were utilized by the Mexican govt as a part of its improvement process. so much maquiladoras functionality as subsidiaries of enormous U.S.-based organisations and a majority of the workers are ladies. Drawing from present wisdom in political economic system and anthropology, this examine makes a speciality of one universal denominator of the overseas department of labor—a turning out to be proletariat of 3rd global girls exploited via what a few specialists are calling "the international meeting line."
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Extra info for For We are Sold, I and My People
At the same time women's economic and policical autonomy is significantly reduced by their impossibility to gain access to paid employment and by their characterization as supplementary earners; housewives and mothers dependent on men (see also Hartmann, 1979). But while this description is helpful for understanding general historical developments particularly in Europe and in the United States, it must be qualified by observations of national and class background. Class in many ways determines the kinds of economic and political options available to men and women.
The pooling of resources maximizes the chances for survival of both individuals and households. In these circumstances, personal autonomy is subsumed under the constraints imposed by family needs. The interplay between individual and family needs as well as the manner in which they have affected and been affected by labor market conditions is another point recently examined by anthropologists and historians. Minge-Klevana (1978,1980), for example, has studied the changes in the concept of childhood during the transition from peasant to industrial society.
Such a phenomenon is not the unmitigated effect of capitalist requirements for cheap labor, nor is it the result of free choices made by individuals. Rather it is a complex phenomenon influenced by both levels of social activity and mediated by the household as the locus where conscious or unconscious strategies are enacted. In several recent articles, Tilly suggests that just as there were variations of proletarianization in nineteenth-century France, so in turn there were differences in family strategies and patterns of behavior among working-class families.
For We are Sold, I and My People by Maria Patricia Fernandez-Kelly