By Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo
Michelle Rosaldo provides an ethnographic interpretation of the lifetime of the Ilongots, a gaggle of a few 3,500 hunters and horticulturists in Northern Luzon, Philippines. Her examine focuces on headhunting, a tradition that remained lively one of the Ilongots till not less than 1972. Indigenous notions of 'knowledge' and 'passion' are the most important to the Ilongots' perceptions in their personal social practices of headhunting, oratory, marriage, and the association of subsistence labour. In explaining the importance of those key rules, Professor Rosaldo examines what she considers to be crucial dimensions of Ilongot social relationships: the contrasts among women and men and among comprehensive married males and bachelor youths. by means of defining 'knowledge' and 'passion' within the context in their social and affective value, the writer demonstrates where of headhunting in ancient and political approaches, and exhibits the relation among headhunting and indigenous recommendations of curing, copy, and well-being. Theoretically orientated towards interpretive of symbolic ethnography, this e-book clarifies many of the ways that the research of a language - either vocabulary and styles of utilization - is a examine of a tradition; the method of translation is gifted as a style of cultural interpretation. Professor Rosaldo argues that an appreciation of the Ilongots' particular notions of 'the self' and the emotional strategies linked to headhunting can remove darkness from primary features of the group's social lifestyles.
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Additional info for Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life
Having distinguished what appear to be symbolic terms from the transparent commonsense on which to found translation, such analysts prove incapable of appreciating the ways in which apparently foreign and peculiar deeds may by themselves have commonsense interpretations. And at the same time, their approach ignores the fact that common sense in other cultures is ultimately as demanding of interpretation as is apparently obscure "symbolic" form. , Conklin 1955, 1964; Frake 1961, 1969), because it is concerned with specifying the ways that speakers order daily worlds through the distinctive referential biases of their language, appears, in part, to answer this deficiency.
In contrast to the "symbol" so defined are the more ordinary, strictly referential terms of daily language- words, perhaps, like "anger," "red," or "blossom," the understanding of which requires little more than an ability to recognize the discrete emotional states, plants, or colors that their names conventionally denote. Ordinary language is thought to be straightforward, and as such, does not require a special effort of interpretive reflection. The "literal" contrasts with the "symbolic" much as "cognition" may be opposed to "affect," and as the "pragmatic" rationality revealed in the technology of grain among the Azande (Evans-Pritchard 1937) can be contrasted with the less consistent and more problematic vagaries of "primitive" or "magical" thought.
And finally, these relationships, as I will try to show, are central to an understanding of both marrying and killing, institutions which, for Ilongots, epitomize what is beautiful and orderly in their social lives. To speak, as I will here, of "meaning," "order," "pattern," or "form" in Ilongot social life is, of course, to make a claim concerning the relevance of connections that the anthropologist first perceives and then, perhaps, confirms- much as a Freudian analyst might- in subsequent talk with an astute informant.
Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life by Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo