By Robert Smith
Smith's deeply proficient narrative describes how first-generation males who've lived in long island for many years turn into very important political leaders of their domestic villages in Mexico. Smith explains how family members among immigrant women and men and their U.S.-born teenagers are renegotiated within the context of migration to long island and transitority go back visits to Mexico. He illustrates how U.S.-born adolescence maintain their attachments to Mexico, and the way adjustments in migration and assimilation have mixed to transnationalize either U.S.-born teenagers and Mexican gangs among long island and Puebla. Mexican manhattan profoundly deepens our wisdom of immigration as a social method, convincingly displaying how a few immigrants reside and serve as in worlds whilst and the way transnationalization and assimilation aren't opposing, yet comparable, phenomena.
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Extra resources for Mexican York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants
28 This confirms my ethnographic findings that Mexicans drop out of school in large numbers by the end of the sophomore year. It is not a tale of straight decline, however. In part, these distressing trends are artifacts of the high levels of Mexican immigration, especially teen immigration, during the 1980s and 1990s. The influx of young Mexican immigrants with low levels of education masks the progress of a significant minority of Mexicans and Mexican Americans, especially Mexican American women, in New York.
Change in number of Mexicans in each census tract, New York City, 1990–2000. ) map 3 (facing page). Mexicans as percentage of population, by census tract, New York City, 1990 and 2000. ” This formula is not a simple repetition of the contemporary American custom of always making an individual exception to any disparaging ethnic or racial generalization. Rather, it reflects two dimensions of Mexican–Puerto Rican relations. While Mexicans fear that the Puerto Rican present could be their future, they also have had very positive experiences with Puerto Ricans and other Latinos in New York.
Their conditions of incorporation yield both significant upward mobility and frustrated prospects. About a fifth of the second-generation boys and a third of the girls are upwardly mobile in terms of occupation and education; the rest are showing little progress, and a small number are slipping backward. 43 In highly racialized contexts such as New York, such a pattern of limited mobility often leads to pressures on young people to reject American institutions like school. The growing minority of upwardly mobile second-generation workers has a less highly charged engagement with racialization than do their parents or other second-generation youth.
Mexican York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants by Robert Smith